This a continuation of the Labour Notes South Asia (LNSA) dispatches | We also hope to build a partial archive of posts from the original LNSA mailing list (2000 to 2019) (see list URL) | See archived posts 2004-2005 | [the full webarchive of the list is now unavailable as it has been permanently removed by yahoo on Dec 2019]
Editorial on marriage market's indifference towards working women
Inherited attitudes may sometimes fall flat, especially when circumstances have changed with time. But India’s attitude towards its women remains rigidly upright, because it springs from pure dislike. Indians do not like women: they refuse to allow them the space of fully functioning human beings who are free to develop their abilities at work and at home with the support of changes in the law, values and available facilities. That India’s development would leap forward if women worked and earned on the same principles as their male colleagues becomes immaterial in the face of this obduracy. This is not merely a denial of equal opportunities, but a desire to keep women under control, subjugated to social structures and expectations emerging from a system that makes men its crown. These are most obvious in marriage. A recent study has shown that women who work make fewer matches through matrimonial websites than women who do not. Would-be brides are alluring without jobs, so they win in the marriage race, while working women who are willing to become homebodies after they meet the in-laws of their dreams rank second.
The compliant wife, the dutiful daughter-in-law, the goddess of the hearth — so to speak — is India’s ideal woman. She does not aspire to an independent existence or expect equal duties and equal treatment in her marital home; she does not earn, hence poses no threat to the fantasies of ownership and control. Education will remain toothless as long as women pay this price. Only women with a high income attract suitors; love of the good life seems to overcome the annoyance and insecurity of having a working wife. Generally, however, the Indian home is inhospitable to the working wife and mother, one reason why women’s participation in the labour force in India is a miserable 20 per cent. Much of women’s labour is invisible too, since most women work in the unorganised sector. Invisibility makes women more vulnerable to exploitation and deprivation — they may not even be counted in the labour force.
While the marriage market in India is busy penalising women who dare to work and want to continue working after marriage, countries which support them have a better chance of prosperity. Flexibility and targeted facilities in the workplace could bring more women into the labour force even in India, but defeating the resistance to working wives is a different challenge. Or a set of challenges. For matrimonial websites have a class-specific relevance; there are numerous couples beyond their reach. Women who could be employed in the unorganised sector need support too, from security in the workplace to medical insurance. Economic stability would overcome the need for a demure wife if safety nets are in place. But matrimonial websites are naturally not interested in safety nets or workplace facilities for a working mother. They offer the greatest safety net of all — marriage. Happiness is meant to follow. Ever after.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 February 2022
Survey data on Indian labour points to a rapid expansion of the care-domestic economy, currently the main employment avenue for urban women. Hitherto, studies on domestic service portray the unequal class structures of master–servant relationships and the escalating phenomenon of live-out and part-time hired help. This article shifts the focus to under-researched, yet increasingly visible, placement agencies, which regulate care-domestic markets and provide diverse services, from specialized ‘patient care’ to the training of subaltern communities. The article discusses how these service providers denote prominent shifts in skill sets, intra-household care arrangements, forms of medical assistance, and new (and old) mechanisms of authority. The ethnography expands our knowledge of everyday mediations around hiring and training between agencies, employers, and care-domestic workers in New Delhi. The article puts forward innovative conceptualizations of service provider approaches through juxtaposing the informal practices of local (or Indian) agencies with formalized and ‘civilizing’ agendas developed by Euro-American intermediaries. The formal–informal dichotomized framework of service provider relationships adds to critical scholarship that contrived dualisms which need historical scaffolding and nuanced engagement. I argue that, while informal and formal approaches appear markedly different for the care-domestic economy, they also overlap. Significantly, both approaches are unjustly weighted against the workers who lack the potential to democratize labour relations. Local agencies reinforce exploitative care-domestic relationships, while Euro-American intermediaries, who espouse modern values, formalization, and civilizing experiments, promulgate punitive regimes and stigmatized futures for their Indian subjects.
In its simplest form, a placement agency is a service provider that employers can approach to hire care-domestic workers and through which workers may seek employment opportunities. For the management of the care-domestic economy, two approaches are conceptualized and form the subject of interrogation in this article. The first is represented by local (or Indian) agencies which retain the core characteristics of casualized, informal sector work. These local agencies offer informal care arrangements, which I call ‘pay-as-you-go’ services (my emphasis), that are symbolic of a sort of convenience, whereby users are absolved from long-term, tenured, or stable commitments.Footnote 1 The employer does not pay an advance for a specific amenity and the worker's employment remains undocumented and typically casual. Work arrangements in this model are based on oral agreements, adept mediation, and a hierarchy of labour roles. The second is a Euro-American (or expatriate) exemplar, whereby attempted formality with a civilizing mission is introduced into an otherwise informal sector. This is a purported model of modernizing labour relations that offers documentation practices and professional care-domestic work.
For most of the twentieth century, modernity has been characterized by attempts to formalize social relations.Footnote 2 Misztal outlines ideal features of formality that are reliant on official and legal roles, and structures of power.Footnote 3 Post-colonial and postsocialist societies are generally more allied with informal economies and their unofficial open secrets, tacit rules, and hidden practice.Footnote 4 In the sociological literature, following Goffman's conception of ‘role distance’, informality and formality are typically considered opposites.Footnote 5 In two recent volumes, however, scholars have challenged the formal–informal dichotomy, emphasizing overlaps and interdependence across the world.Footnote 6 These collections stress the value of informal practices as invisible yet central to human societies rather than as a disadvantaged residual of the formal economy. They also question the supposedly ‘unregulated’ nature of informal sectors,Footnote 7 while critiquing the notion that formality plays into the hands of those it is meant to defend or represent.Footnote 8 With regard to service providers and debates on the care-domestic economy in contemporary India, this article reassesses modernization claims and perceptions of formality as ‘good’ and informality as ‘bad’.Footnote 9
Indian labour markets have historically been dominated by informality.Footnote 10 Yet the studies of industrial labour by Holmström, Breman and Harriss in the 1970s–1980s were key to unlocking the rigid boundaries between formal and informal jobs.Footnote 11 From the 1990s onwards, Gooptu and Parry instrumentally portray how the formal sector is being ‘deformalized’.Footnote 12 The latter is reproducing inferior working conditions resembling those found in the precarious informal sector, while cheap contract labour has increasingly replaced the permanent workforce.Footnote 13 At the same time, especially with the informal care-domestic economy having gained visibility,Footnote 14 discussions around formalization have permeated feminist debates.Footnote 15 The exploratory nature of these conversations is whether a framework for formalization, at its lowest bar represented by a written contract, ensures better conditions for workers.Footnote 16 The formalizing of casualized labour is indeed being attempted by embassies, placement agencies, hospitals, universities, and the corporate sector. Gooptu's work is salient for its minutiae of how labour in India's private corporate sector has meant vast mobilization, recruitment, and training of workers in a highly organized manner, usually involving the state.Footnote 17 Under the neo-liberal ascendency, low-level marginalized service workers are now subjected to formal systematic training, grooming, and socialization, in a radical break from the past. Gooptu's caveat is that what is rendered as formalization is ‘performed formalization’. She underscores how formal and informal processes exist within the same labour regimes. This article contributes to the theoretical contention that formal and informal approaches have their meeting points. Significantly for the care-domestic economy, both approaches reinforce inequalities for workers who lack the potential to democratize labour relations. The practices of service providers direct us to the immediacy of colonial legacies, exploitative work relationships, punitive regimes, and how the employers’ class position remains privileged.
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